Smoked Barbecue Beef Ribs

Local store had a sale on center cut beef ribs so I grabbed a bunch to cook out in the charcoal smoker.  I’m not even going to call this an “active writer” recipe because, yeah, a lot of time was required.


  • 1 or more racks of center cut beef ribs.
  • 2 Tbsp onion powder
  • 2 Tbsp garlic powder
  • 2 Tbsp coarsely ground pepper
  • 1 Tbsp Rosemary
  • I had intended to include about 2 Tbsp coarse kosher salt but I just forgot to add it.  The result was good enough that I’m not sure I would add it in the future.
  • 1 jar of G. Hughes Smokehouse Sugar Free Barbecue Sauce, Hickory Flavor

Start the smoker and get it heated to about 225.

Mix the onion powder, garlic powder, pepper and rosemary.  Spread it over and rub into the ribs.

Place the ribs in the smoker.  To get them to fit, I placed them diagonally on the grill running from the firebox end to the far end.

Close the smoker and add some apple wood chunks (it’s what I had and I’ve found I like the results) in the fire box to generate some nice smoke.

Check the vents and fire from time to time.  Add charcoal and/or apple wood as needed.  Try to keep the heat at about 225.

Every fifteen minutes or so “rotate” the ribs.  By rotate I mean take out the one closest to the fire box.  Move the second one into the place of the first, and so on until all of them are moved up, then flip the first one over and put it at the end of the row.  This helps keep them cooking in time rather than having the ones closer to the fire done long before the others in the cooler part of the smoker.

Continue until the meat is close to “done”.  I used two basic tests to determine doneness this time.  The first is to insert a toothpick into the meat between the bones.  When it goes in with only minimal force, the meat is almost done.  The other check is the meat cracking when handled during the rotation.  When it starts cracking easily, it’s getting close.

Once the meat is almost done, thickly slather the barbecue sauce onto it.  You’ll want to do two cycles of rotating the meat so both sides get a good coating.  Here’s one rack with a freshly applied coat of sauce:


Okay, my camera shows that upside down.

Once you’ve got the sauce on, you cook farther to let the sauce caramelize and cook into the meat.  It’s truly done when you start worrying bout the racks falling apart in handling.  And here it is after final cooking:


And oh, my, but those were so very good.

The 25th Amendment

Practically since the November 6, 2016 election, folk on the Left have been talking about using the 25th Amendment to remove Donald Trump.  They know they don’t have the votes for impeachment in the House, and certainly not for removal from office by conviction in the Senate so they present this as an end run around that problem.

The problem with that is that they are picking a method that’s actually harder than impeachment.  Allow me to explain.

Amendment XXV
Section 1.
In case of the removal of the President from office or of his death or resignation, the Vice President shall become President.

Section 2.
Whenever there is a vacancy in the office of the Vice President, the President shall nominate a Vice President who shall take office upon confirmation by a majority vote of both Houses of Congress.

Section 3.
Whenever the President transmits to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives his written declaration that he is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, and until he transmits to them a written declaration to the contrary, such powers and duties shall be discharged by the Vice President as Acting President.

Section 4.
Whenever the Vice President and a majority of either the principal officers of the executive departments or of such other body as Congress may by law provide, transmit to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives their written declaration that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, the Vice President shall immediately assume the powers and duties of the office as Acting President.

Thereafter, when the President transmits to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives his written declaration that no inability exists, he shall resume the powers and duties of his office unless the Vice President and a majority of either the principal officers of the executive department or of such other body as Congress may by law provide, transmit within four days to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives their written declaration that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office. Thereupon Congress shall decide the issue, assembling within forty-eight hours for that purpose if not in session. If the Congress, within twenty-one days after receipt of the latter written declaration, or, if Congress is not in session, within twenty-one days after Congress is required to assemble, determines by two-thirds vote of both Houses that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, the Vice President shall continue to discharge the same as Acting President; otherwise, the President shall resume the powers and duties of his office.

The first couple of parts, motivated by the assassination of John F. Kennedy, deal with the succession of the Presidency clarifying some issues left undefined in the Constitution.  Part 3 makes provision for the president to resign office if, for whatever reason, he believes he is incapable of discharging his duties as president (exercised by Richard Nixon in the wake of the Watergate cover-up scandal).

Part 4 is the one that the Left makes so much of, specifically the first paragraph:

Whenever the Vice President and a majority of either the principal officers of the executive departments or of such other body as Congress may by law provide, transmit to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives their written declaration that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, the Vice President shall immediately assume the powers and duties of the office as Acting President.

Ah hah! They say, they can get the VP and a majority of the Cabinet to agree that the president is unable to discharge his duties then…

Excuse me?  The Cabinet appointed. by. Trump. is going to declare Trump unfit basically because you don’t like his politics?  That strikes me as a tad…delusional. (Sorry.  I tried to find a softer word but none really fit.)

But let’s go with that just to see where it leads.  The VP and 8 cabinet members all agree that Trump has got to go and send a declaration to the Speaker of the House and the President Pro Tempore of the Senate to the effect.

The folk touting a 25th Amendment removal of the President seems to think it stops there.  But if you continue into the second paragraph you get:

Thereafter, when the President transmits to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives his written declaration that no inability exists, he shall resume the powers and duties of his office


unless the Vice President and a majority of either the principal officers of the executive department or of such other body as Congress may by law provide, transmit within four days to the President pro tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representatives their written declaration that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office.

So…for the 25th Amendmenters, there’s still a chance, right?  Well:

Thereupon Congress shall decide the issue, assembling within forty-eight hours for that purpose if not in session. If the Congress, within twenty-one days after receipt of the latter written declaration, or, if Congress is not in session, within twenty-one days after Congress is required to assemble, determines by two-thirds vote of both Houses that the President is unable to discharge the powers and duties of his office, the Vice President shall continue to discharge the same as Acting President; otherwise, the President shall resume the powers and duties of his office.

So, if there is a dispute between the cabinet plus VP and the President on whether or not he’s able to exercise the powers and duties of the Presidency, it goes to Congress which requires a 2/3 majority of the House and a 2/3 majority of the Senate to remove the President.  Note that for impeachment you do need a 2/3 majority in the Senate for conviction and removal from office but you only need a simple majority in the House to impeach.  In short, unless the President willingly acquiesces or is incapable of communicating his disagreement with the assessment it’s actually harder to remove a President via the 25th Amendment than it is to simply impeach.

That’s if you get the VP and Cabinet to agree in the first place.  That “of such other body as Congress may by law provide” that could, in principle make such a declaration instead of the cabinet?  No such body exists.  Congress could, perhaps, create one.  But “by law” means passing a law.  That means passing both houses and either getting a Presidential signature to make it law or overriding a veto–and we’re back to 2/3 of the House and 2/3 of the Senate again.

When people want to use something like the 25th Amendment it would behoove them to read it, and read it all the way through.

The Fallacy of Composition

A common thread in many of the, missteps shall we call them, in economics and politics stems from the fallacy of composition.  This is where one assumes that just because something is good for a part it must in turn be good for the whole.

Thomas Sowell is fond of the analogy of a spectator in the stands at a baseball game.  If he stands up, he can see better.  It does not, then, follow that if everyone stands up, then everyone will see better.  Furthermore, if the one man stands up, he may see better, but it is at the expense of blocking the view of those behind him.

So it often is in economics.  An example I use is steel making.  There have been times where steel workers, their unions, and the organizations of businesses engaged in steel making all join with one voice to decry the evil of low cost imported steel, cutting into those businesses’ market shares and putting those poor steel workers out of work.  They call on the government to do something.  And so the government, seeing a powerful political block that can influence elections, does something in the form of tariffs or import restrictions that reduce or even prevent entirely the influx of cheap steel from overseas.  Steelworkers keep their jobs.  Steel making businesses keep their profits.  Everyone is happy.   And the economy is helped, right?

Not so fast.  The steel making industry might be helped by such a tariff but assuming, without examination, that means it helps the economy as a whole is the fallacy of composition.  And if we make that examination, what do we find?  The first thing we see is that steel as a raw material is more expensive than it would be if the market were allowed to operate undeterred and the American companies were either forced to find a way to compete at the lower prices or were supplanted by the lower cost sources–or maybe going into niches where they provide particular grades and alloys that the foreign companies do not reliably produce.  In any case, more expensive steel.  That means that the costs to everyone who uses steel to make everything from butter knives to locomotives has their cost of materials increased.  And that works its way around to the consumer and higher prices to them.  Which means that for a given income people are able to buy less goods.  And that means that everyone is poorer than they would be were the market allowed to operate freely.  So while the tariffs or other restrictions helped the steelworkers, it was at the expense of everyone else.

Another area where the fallacy of composition comes into play is in so-called government “stimulus.” The government hands out money to various individuals, businesses, or industries with the expectation that they will use that money in ways that will benefit the economy.  Maybe they will and maybe they won’t.  The people who receive the “stimulus” certainly benefit, but what about the economy as a whole?

The first thing one has to ask is where that money the government is handing out came from.  There are only one of three ways the government gets money:  taxes which means taking it from someone else, increased government debt, or increasing the total money supply made even easier in the modern day with so much “money” existing as not even paper but computer records.  Both increasing public debt and increasing total money supply are effective increases in the money supply (See Thomas Sowell’s discussion of fractional reserve banking and credit and how it increases the effective money supply in his book Applied Economics) and in so doing they cause prices to be higher than they would be absent that increase in money supply.

So, any way you look at it, government stimulus is money that is taken from other people either overtly through taxes or covertly through inflation of the money supply reducing the buying power of the money they have.  And those people, if they retained their buying power would also use that money in the economy–even in the simple case of putting it in a bank where it can be loaned to other people for various purposes.  The assertion made by those who advocate government stimulus is that the government will use the money “better” than private individuals.  This assertion, however, is hard to justify empirically.  Indeed, advocates of such stimulus generally predict far greater improvements than ever actually materialize in the economy.  The excuses are many but the results speak for themselves.  And when one considers that a part of any government stimulus is a parasitic bureaucracy both to collect the money (or manufacture it out of thin air) and to disperse it to the “deserving” parties, one sees that the government spending would not only have to be “better” but much better than private individuals using their own money in order to compensate for the extra cost and be a net gain.

In both of these cases:  import restrictions/tariffs and government stimulus, a part of society does benefit.  But that benefit is at cost to the remainder of society that outweighs the gain to those specific parts, that, indeed, must outweigh the benefits to the part.

So when someone proposes a policy to “help the economy” take a moment to look beneath the surface and see if what it actually does is help a small part at the expense of everyone else.

Foreign Aid

People tend to have two common views on foreign aid.  One is that we shouldn’t be sending money to help these other countries when we have people here at home who need help.  The other is that it’s selfish and heartless not to help those countries that are so much worse off than we are.

Both of them miss the mark in that they both assume that the foreign aid actually helps.  Mostly it doesn’t.

Before you can decide whether foreign aid is likely to help a poor nation you first have to look at why the nation is poor in the first place.  When it comes to the so called “third world” a common reason given for their poverty is “legacy of colonialism” yet is that actually true?  How does that jibe with Argentine–in the early 20th century, a century after it gained independence, it was one of the 10 most prosperous nations in the world.  Now it rates 55th out of 188 (as of this writing).  Clearly “colonialism” explains neither its former prosperity nor its later poverty.

Going beyond Argentina, consider ten countries that were never colonized by Europeans. Ranging from Japan at 23rd out of those 188 nations to Afghanistan (177 out of 188) with most in the “lower half” of per capita GDP.  Note that the list of nations not colonized by European’s simply lists “Korea” and while South Korea is on the list of per capita GDP, North Korea is not. Clearly, blithe assertions like “legacy of colonialism” (generally meaning European Colonialism) does not explain these nations poverty.

Most simple explanations for why some nations are poor and others prosperous fail.  Natural Resources?  Then how to explain Japan, Hong Kong, or Singapore?  No, the answer is a combination of factors.  But several cultural factors loom large.  Respect for rule of law, respect for and enforcement of property rights (without which people are very unwilling to invest), corruption kept to at worst a modest level, all help to create a climate where businesses from the small entrepreneur to the large multinationals can prosper, and in so doing create wealth.

Take, for instance, one of the great successes of foreign aid:  the post World War II Marshall Plan.  It worked to help bring prosperity back to war torn Europe because Europe already had a “recipe” for prosperity and merely needed rebuilding of infrastructure destroyed by that war to get back on a solid economic footing.

In other places, where such a “recipe” is lacking, “foreign aid” is much less beneficial.  Much of it simply ends up in the hands of rulers and their favored, giving them a lavish lifestyle while doing nothing to improve the lives of the population at large.  There might be a few “Potemkin” show villages with guided tours for foreign politicians and media but nothing that helps the average citizen.

Bluntly, however much one might care about the poor and unfortunate of the world, “foreign aid” is simply ineffective at achieving the stated goal.

There is another aspect to foreign aid, however, as mentioned in “The Conscience of a Conservative” by the late Barry Goldwater, that of international diplomacy.  In Goldwater’s day the Cold War was in full swing.  Carl von Clausewitz described war as the continuation of politics by other means.  The reverse also holds:  diplomacy and international politics is war by other means.  Goldwater described foreign aid as a tool in the fighting of that war–not so much buying favor as aiding those who support us and countering the similar aid the USSR was giving to those who supported them.  Goldwater, in the book, did not endorse foreign aid for its own sake–preferring to allow individuals and organizations on their own initiative attempt humanitarian aid; after all, they had a better track record of success than did government programs that invariably deal with other governments–but rather as a weapon to use against an enemy that sought not just our overthrow but total global dominion.

Even today, although the enemy is different, that might actually be a valid use of foreign aid.  Yet even in Goldwater’s day, how often was it actually used to that end?  And even today, is it used to that end at all?  How many American foreign aid dollars are going to our opponents, even avowed enemies, compared to those going to our supporters?  If the proponents think that this will somehow buy favor and make those enemies turn around and love us, they are deluding themselves.  Far from buying favor, our enemies are more than willing to take our money while sniggering behind their hands at what great fools we are to finance our own destruction (or so they intend).

Maybe we should stop paying people to hate us?

Try Freedom?

So a Libertarian group on FaceBook had this:


Now, it has a certain level of truth to it but the Libertarians of the “Big L” variety are so caught up in their “both the main parties are bad” idea (and, yeah, I can see that) that they engage in false equivalence.

The baker has every right to bake or not bake the cake. And to the extent that the law says otherwise, the law is wrong and oppressive.  However I have (or anyone else has) every right to take my business elsewhere if I don’t like it.  What he doesn’t have is the right to my business, your business, or anyone else’s business.

Kaepernick has every right to kneel for the anthem. And people have every right to take their business elsewhere if they don’t like it.  After all, what the NFL sells is entertainment, for which there are plenty of alternatives. There are other sports.  There are even other venues for Football.  The NFL does not have the right to their business.  And if his actions are costing his employers millions of dollars they have the right to fire him because he does not have the “right” to a particular multi-million dollar job.  This is the same as if I were to engage in political protesting on company time at my job in such a way as to drive customers away.  My boss would fire me and be right to do so.

And in both cases, I have the right to speak my position on the matter because I also have a right of free speech.

See how it works?

But this is where the false equivalence kicks in.  Nobody sued Kaepernick to force him to stand.  Nobody tried to use the force of government to impose their will.  Simple operation of the market–he, and those like him, drove away customers (which is still hurting the NFL).  But he then found another market more accepting of what he was “selling” and continued.

The folks opposed to the baker’s choices weren’t content to let the market, and the free choices of individuals resolve the issue.  The baker choosing not to serve that part of the market had it costs (see my post on the cost of discrimination for how that works).  Other people did not see that unserved market as a business opportunity.  Or maybe they did but that wasn’t enough.  No, the baker had to be punished.  Thus lawsuits that went up the chain of appeals.  And when those pursuing the suit seeking damaged designed to put the baker completely out of business, finally lost, they turned around and tried again with a different but closely related tactic.

Thus on one hand we had free people making free decisions in the marketplace of ideas as well as that of goods and services.  In the other we had the attempt to exercise force by means of government.  The two things are not the same.  They are not flip sides of the same coin.  They do not show the two “sides” as morally equivalent.  Other things might.  Those other things would have to be examined on their own merits.  This one does not.

So, yes, let’s try freedom.  But in one of the two cases cited that’s. what. we. did.

A snippet

I’ve got a book out to beta readers.  I’ve also got cover art lined up.  If things go well, I hope to have it out and ready to go within a few weeks.

Since Tuesday is my extra specially busy day, here’s a snippet from another WIP:

The most dangerous post in the fleet was military liaison for the Terran Embassy to the Eres.  Humans used food and drink to smooth negotiations. The Eres used hunting. The more important the topic, the more dangerous the prey and the more primitive the arms they would use to take that prey.

Sweat tickled the end of Commander Nobuta Tanaka’s nose.  He would much rather discuss the proposed treaty over tea and pastries, or in deference to the Eres, tea and steak.  But they had to do it the Eres way. At his side, Sheshak, Tanaka’s host, stooped to examine the pile of dung left in the trail beaten down in the waist high pseudo-grass.

A kashek, Sheshak had called the beast they sought.  An herbivore, to be sure, but an herbivore the size of a Terran white rhino combining the worst elements of wild boar and Cape buffalo.  To slay the beast, Tanaka carried a spear. A fifteen centimeter crosspiece was bound to the shaft with sinew half a meter behind the chipped obsidian point.  As protection, he wore nothing but sandals, a pair of neocotton shorts, and a light coating of sunscreen.

At least during the war he had had a destroyer surrounding him when he faced an Eres hunter-killer fleet.

Hunting preserves covered fully half of Chakentak, the Eres homeworld.  The Eres kept them pristine for their various ritual hunts. This region, in the equatorial area, most closely resembled the savannah of Africa.  The leaves were more blue than green, the sky more purple than blue, and the sun a harsh white dazzle in the sky with no hint of Sol’s friendly yellow.

Sheshak served as Lesser Stalker to the Great Pack Leader, a position combining duties of a Deputy Minister of State and of Defense. He set off at a slow trot following the trail of flattened grasses. Tanaka followed in his wake, grateful for the muscle booster treatments, much safer than an earlier generation’s steroids, that allowed him to keep up in the heavier gravity of Chakentak.

Stalker Sheshak was large even for an Eres, standing two and a half meters from the top of his head to the ground.  A truly lipless mouth split the ovoid head forever baring triangular teeth in a mirthless grin. A sinuous, half-meter-long neck connected that head with its powerful jaws to the forward-leaning body and its short arms and thick, stubby tail, perched on legs with backward pointing knees and heavy, clawed feet.

In moments of dark humor, Tanaka thought the Eres resembled nothing so much as a cross between a small Tyrannosaurus Rex and an ostrich.

They had been following the kreshak since picking up its trail shortly after the rising of Chakentak’s F5 sun.  Tanaka had spotted droppings that smelled like boiling cabbage. Sheshak pointed out three-toed prints spanning half a meter each in the muddy ground near a small spring. Tanaka noted furrows where the kreshak had used its tusks to root for edible tubers, furrows as neat as any autocultivator could make.  In its passing, the kreshak flattened bushes and tore strips of bark from the occasional small tree.

The sign became fresher as the sun passed zenith.  They were getting closer.

At a small stand of brush, Sheshak stopped and made several gestures in the Eres hunter’s sign language.  Tanaka ostentatiously touched tongue to upper teeth in the Eres gesture of agreement.

Sheshak drew a twenty-centimeter obsidian dagger from the belt supporting the Eres version of a loincloth and began to circle slowly to the right in an effort to get upwind of the prey and flush it toward Tanaka.

Tanaka licked his lips as he crouched in the stand of brush.  The spear seemed feeble indeed against a three-ton monster. Even that was more than Sheshak would have if the kashek chose to charge into the Eres’ scent rather than fleeing it.

Some minutes later the sound of a large body pushing through the brush told Tanaka that Sheshak’s ploy had succeeded.  A few seconds more and the beast hove into view.

Tanaka lunged from his place of concealment, driving the spear ahead of him and into the flank of the kashek.  The razor sharp point bit deep and Tanaka continued to drive it forward until the crosspiece slapped against the beast’s side.

The kreshak howled, a surprisingly high-pitched sound from such a large animal and twisted its stubby neck in an effort to reach the pain in its side.  In so doing it spotted Tanaka. The spear nearly jerked out of Tanaka’s hand as the kreshak charged. Te spear point continued to tear the monster’s insides. The kreshak was effectively dead, but that did not mean it could not kill Tanaka in the process of its dying.

Clinging to the spear shaft, Tanaka skipped backward at almost a dead run.  WEre he to lose his grip on the spear or make one misstep and he could be trampled under the beast’s feet, gored on its horns, or gutted by its tusks—so many ways to die.

Almost as the thought crossed his mind a root caught Tanaka’s ankle dumping him to the ground.  Somehow he clung to the spear as the kreshak’s attempts to reach him shoved him along the ground.  Pain lanced through his back as rocks and branches tore at his flesh.

Unable to regain his feet, Tanaka had just wrapped his legs around the spear when Sheshak appeared and leaped on the beast’s back.  Sheshak’s clawed feet dug into the kreshak’s sides, anchoring him in place. His powerful jaws gripped the back of the kreshak’s neck while he drove the obsidian dagger over and over into the beast’s throat.

The kreshak bucked in rage at the new torment, finally jerking the spear from Tanaka’s grasp.  Tanaka rolled to his feet and backed slowly way from the weakening kreshak.

The kreshak sank to the ground and shuddered in the final weakness before death took it.  Sheshak stood, blue-black blood dripping from his jaws. Sheshak drew the spear, its shaft now shattered, from the still quivering beast and drove it one more time into the kreshak’s side. The kreshak shuddered a final spasm and then was still.

Sheshak turned to Tanaka. “Your people have asked for a drawdown of forces along the border.” The stilted Terranglo came from a vocoder implanted in Sheshak’s jaw. “We will reduce our forces there by eighty percent.  For verification, you may place an observer, a proven hunter, at each of our bases within fifteen of your parsecs of the agreed border and on each of our ships of third fang class or heavier serving in that region.”

Tanaka stared at Sheshak in shock.  He had just preempted what was to be Tanaka’s own opening bid in the negotiations. “I will have to check with my government,” he said, “but I think they will agree.”

Sheshak jerked the spear from the now dead kreshak and held it out to Tanaka. “Good.”

Something was very wrong, Tanaka thought as he took the spear.  Something was very wrong indeed.

The Constitution is 231 Years Old Today

Today marks the 231st anniversary of the ratification of the United States Constitution.  So here it is in its entirety (not including the Amendments, which came later):

We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.

Article. I.
Section. 1.
All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives.

Section. 2.
The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members chosen every second Year by the People of the several States, and the Electors in each State shall have the Qualifications requisite for Electors of the most numerous Branch of the State Legislature.

No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the Age of twenty five Years, and been seven Years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen.

Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole Number of free Persons, including those bound to Service for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other Persons. The actual Enumeration shall be made within three Years after the first Meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent Term of ten Years, in such Manner as they shall by Law direct. The Number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty Thousand, but each State shall have at Least one Representative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to chuse three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New-York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three.

When vacancies happen in the Representation from any State, the Executive Authority thereof shall issue Writs of Election to fill such Vacancies.

The House of Representatives shall chuse their Speaker and other Officers; and shall have the sole Power of Impeachment.

Section. 3.
The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six Years; and each Senator shall have one Vote.

Immediately after they shall be assembled in Consequence of the first Election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three Classes. The Seats of the Senators of the first Class shall be vacated at the Expiration of the second Year, of the second Class at the Expiration of the fourth Year, and of the third Class at the Expiration of the sixth Year, so that one third may be chosen every second Year; and if Vacancies happen by Resignation, or otherwise, during the Recess of the Legislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary Appointments until the next Meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such Vacancies.

No Person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty Years, and been nine Years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen.

The Vice President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, but shall have no Vote, unless they be equally divided.

The Senate shall chuse their other Officers, and also a President pro tempore, in the Absence of the Vice President, or when he shall exercise the Office of President of the United States.

The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments. When sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or Affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside: And no Person shall be convicted without the Concurrence of two thirds of the Members present.

Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from Office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any Office of honor, Trust or Profit under the United States: but the Party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to Indictment, Trial, Judgment and Punishment, according to Law.

Section. 4.
The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such Regulations, except as to the Places of chusing Senators.

The Congress shall assemble at least once in every Year, and such Meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by Law appoint a different Day.

Section. 5.
Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections, Returns and Qualifications of its own Members, and a Majority of each shall constitute a Quorum to do Business; but a smaller Number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the Attendance of absent Members, in such Manner, and under such Penalties as each House may provide.

Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings, punish its Members for disorderly Behaviour, and, with the Concurrence of two thirds, expel a Member.

Each House shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such Parts as may in their Judgment require Secrecy; and the Yeas and Nays of the Members of either House on any question shall, at the Desire of one fifth of those Present, be entered on the Journal.

Neither House, during the Session of Congress, shall, without the Consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other Place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting.

Section. 6.
The Senators and Representatives shall receive a Compensation for their Services, to be ascertained by Law, and paid out of the Treasury of the United States. They shall in all Cases, except Treason, Felony and Breach of the Peace, be privileged from Arrest during their Attendance at the Session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same; and for any Speech or Debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other Place.

No Senator or Representative shall, during the Time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil Office under the Authority of the United States, which shall have been created, or the Emoluments whereof shall have been encreased during such time; and no Person holding any Office under the United States, shall be a Member of either House during his Continuance in Office.

Section. 7.
All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with Amendments as on other Bills.

Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a Law, be presented to the President of the United States; If he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his Objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the Objections at large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such Reconsideration two thirds of that House shall agree to pass the Bill, it shall be sent, together with the Objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds of that House, it shall become a Law. But in all such Cases the Votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and Nays, and the Names of the Persons voting for and against the Bill shall be entered on the Journal of each House respectively. If any Bill shall not be returned by the President within ten Days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the Same shall be a Law, in like Manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their Adjournment prevent its Return, in which Case it shall not be a Law.

Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of Adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States; and before the Same shall take Effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the Rules and Limitations prescribed in the Case of a Bill.

Section. 8.
The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform throughout the United States;

To borrow Money on the credit of the United States;

To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes;

To establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization, and uniform Laws on the subject of Bankruptcies throughout the United States;

To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin, and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures;

To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the Securities and current Coin of the United States;

To establish Post Offices and post Roads;

To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries;

To constitute Tribunals inferior to the supreme Court;

To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on the high Seas, and Offences against the Law of Nations;

To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water;

To raise and support Armies, but no Appropriation of Money to that Use shall be for a longer Term than two Years;

To provide and maintain a Navy;

To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval Forces;

To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions;

To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may be employed in the Service of the United States, reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment of the Officers, and the Authority of training the Militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress;

To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever, over such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may, by Cession of particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress, become the Seat of the Government of the United States, and to exercise like Authority over all Places purchased by the Consent of the Legislature of the State in which the Same shall be, for the Erection of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, dock-Yards, and other needful Buildings;—And

To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof.

Section. 9.
The Migration or Importation of such Persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the Year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a Tax or duty may be imposed on such Importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each Person.

The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it.

No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law shall be passed.

No Capitation, or other direct, Tax shall be laid, unless in Proportion to the Census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken.

No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles exported from any State.

No Preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or Revenue to the Ports of one State over those of another: nor shall Vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay Duties in another.

No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of Appropriations made by Law; and a regular Statement and Account of the Receipts and Expenditures of all public Money shall be published from time to time.

No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States: And no Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under them, shall, without the Consent of the Congress, accept of any present, Emolument, Office, or Title, of any kind whatever, from any King, Prince, or foreign State.

Section. 10.
No State shall enter into any Treaty, Alliance, or Confederation; grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal; coin Money; emit Bills of Credit; make any Thing but gold and silver Coin a Tender in Payment of Debts; pass any Bill of Attainder, ex post facto Law, or Law impairing the Obligation of Contracts, or grant any Title of Nobility.

No State shall, without the Consent of the Congress, lay any Imposts or Duties on Imports or Exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing it’s inspection Laws: and the net Produce of all Duties and Imposts, laid by any State on Imports or Exports, shall be for the Use of the Treasury of the United States; and all such Laws shall be subject to the Revision and Controul of the Congress.

No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, lay any Duty of Tonnage, keep Troops, or Ships of War in time of Peace, enter into any Agreement or Compact with another State, or with a foreign Power, or engage in War, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent Danger as will not admit of delay.

Article. II.
Section. 1.
The executive Power shall be vested in a President of the United States of America. He shall hold his Office during the Term of four Years, and, together with the Vice President, chosen for the same Term, be elected, as follows

Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct, a Number of Electors, equal to the whole Number of Senators and Representatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress: but no Senator or Representative, or Person holding an Office of Trust or Profit under the United States, shall be appointed an Elector.

The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by Ballot for two Persons, of whom one at least shall not be an Inhabitant of the same State with themselves. And they shall make a List of all the Persons voted for, and of the Number of Votes for each; which List they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the Seat of the Government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the Presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the Certificates, and the Votes shall then be counted. The Person having the greatest Number of Votes shall be the President, if such Number be a Majority of the whole Number of Electors appointed; and if there be more than one who have such Majority, and have an equal Number of Votes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately chuse by Ballot one of them for President; and if no Person have a Majority, then from the five highest on the List the said House shall in like Manner chuse the President. But in chusing the President, the Votes shall be taken by States, the Representation from each State having one Vote; A quorum for this Purpose shall consist of a Member or Members from two thirds of the States, and a Majority of all the States shall be necessary to a Choice. In every Case, after the Choice of the President, the Person having the greatest Number of Votes of the Electors shall be the Vice President. But if there should remain two or more who have equal Votes, the Senate shall chuse from them by Ballot the Vice President.

The Congress may determine the Time of chusing the Electors, and the Day on which they shall give their Votes; which Day shall be the same throughout the United States.

No Person except a natural born Citizen, or a Citizen of the United States, at the time of the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the Office of President; neither shall any Person be eligible to that Office who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty five Years, and been fourteen Years a Resident within the United States.

In Case of the Removal of the President from Office, or of his Death, Resignation, or Inability to discharge the Powers and Duties of the said Office, the Same shall devolve on the Vice President, and the Congress may by Law provide for the Case of Removal, Death, Resignation or Inability, both of the President and Vice President, declaring what Officer shall then act as President, and such Officer shall act accordingly, until the Disability be removed, or a President shall be elected.

The President shall, at stated Times, receive for his Services, a Compensation, which shall neither be encreased nor diminished during the Period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive within that Period any other Emolument from the United States, or any of them.

Before he enter on the Execution of his Office, he shall take the following Oath or Affirmation:—”I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States.”

Section. 2.
The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States, when called into the actual Service of the United States; he may require the Opinion, in writing, of the principal Officer in each of the executive Departments, upon any Subject relating to the Duties of their respective Offices, and he shall have Power to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offences against the United States, except in Cases of Impeachment.

He shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the Advice and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court, and all other Officers of the United States, whose Appointments are not herein otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by Law: but the Congress may by Law vest the Appointment of such inferior Officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the Courts of Law, or in the Heads of Departments.

The President shall have Power to fill up all Vacancies that may happen during the Recess of the Senate, by granting Commissions which shall expire at the End of their next Session.

Section. 3.
He shall from time to time give to the Congress Information of the State of the Union, and recommend to their Consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient; he may, on extraordinary Occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them, and in Case of Disagreement between them, with Respect to the Time of Adjournment, he may adjourn them to such Time as he shall think proper; he shall receive Ambassadors and other public Ministers; he shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed, and shall Commission all the Officers of the United States.

Section. 4.
The President, Vice President and all civil Officers of the United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors.

Article III.
Section. 1.
The judicial Power of the United States, shall be vested in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The Judges, both of the supreme and inferior Courts, shall hold their Offices during good Behaviour, and shall, at stated Times, receive for their Services, a Compensation, which shall not be diminished during their Continuance in Office.

Section. 2.
The judicial Power shall extend to all Cases, in Law and Equity, arising under this Constitution, the Laws of the United States, and Treaties made, or which shall be made, under their Authority;—to all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls;—to all Cases of admiralty and maritime Jurisdiction;—to Controversies to which the United States shall be a Party;—to Controversies between two or more States;— between a State and Citizens of another State,—between Citizens of different States,—between Citizens of the same State claiming Lands under Grants of different States, and between a State, or the Citizens thereof, and foreign States, Citizens or Subjects.

In all Cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls, and those in which a State shall be Party, the supreme Court shall have original Jurisdiction. In all the other Cases before mentioned, the supreme Court shall have appellate Jurisdiction, both as to Law and Fact, with such Exceptions, and under such Regulations as the Congress shall make.

The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment, shall be by Jury; and such Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crimes shall have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the Trial shall be at such Place or Places as the Congress may by Law have directed.

Section. 3.
Treason against the United States, shall consist only in levying War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort. No Person shall be convicted of Treason unless on the Testimony of two Witnesses to the same overt Act, or on Confession in open Court.

The Congress shall have Power to declare the Punishment of Treason, but no Attainder of Treason shall work Corruption of Blood, or Forfeiture except during the Life of the Person attainted.

Article. IV.
Section. 1.
Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each State to the public Acts, Records, and judicial Proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may by general Laws prescribe the Manner in which such Acts, Records and Proceedings shall be proved, and the Effect thereof.

Section. 2.
The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States.

A Person charged in any State with Treason, Felony, or other Crime, who shall flee from Justice, and be found in another State, shall on Demand of the executive Authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having Jurisdiction of the Crime.

No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under the Laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in Consequence of any Law or Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or Labour, but shall be delivered up on Claim of the Party to whom such Service or Labour may be due.

Section. 3.
New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union; but no new State shall be formed or erected within the Jurisdiction of any other State; nor any State be formed by the Junction of two or more States, or Parts of States, without the Consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress.

The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful Rules and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to Prejudice any Claims of the United States, or of any particular State.

Section. 4.
The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect each of them against Invasion; and on Application of the Legislature, or of the Executive (when the Legislature cannot be convened), against domestic Violence.

Article. V.
The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall propose Amendments to this Constitution, or, on the Application of the Legislatures of two thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention for proposing Amendments, which, in either Case, shall be valid to all Intents and Purposes, as Part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three fourths thereof, as the one or the other Mode of Ratification may be proposed by the Congress; Provided that no Amendment which may be made prior to the Year One thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any Manner affect the first and fourth Clauses in the Ninth Section of the first Article; and that no State, without its Consent, shall be deprived of its equal Suffrage in the Senate.

Article. VI.
All Debts contracted and Engagements entered into, before the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution, as under the Confederation.

This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary notwithstanding.

The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the Members of the several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial Officers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by Oath or Affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious Test shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust under the United States.

Article. VII.
The Ratification of the Conventions of nine States, shall be sufficient for the Establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the Same.

The Word, “the,” being interlined between the seventh and eighth Lines of the first Page, The Word “Thirty” being partly written on an Erazure in the fifteenth Line of the first Page, The Words “is tried” being interlined between the thirty second and thirty third Lines of the first Page and the Word “the” being interlined between the forty third and forty fourth Lines of the second Page.

Attest William Jackson Secretary

done in Convention by the Unanimous Consent of the States present the Seventeenth Day of September in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and Eighty seven and of the Independance of the United States of America the Twelfth In witness whereof We have hereunto subscribed our Names,